Showing posts with label Obesity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obesity. Show all posts

Monday, May 20, 2013

Will Children in Alaska Get Out and Play Every Day? A Critique of an Overly Simplistic Public Health Campaign--Rebecca Song



Background
                  Since 1988, obesity rates in the United States have increased from 7.2% to 11.1% in children 2-5 years old; 11.3% to 18.8% in children 6-11 years old; and 10.5% to 18.2% in 12-19 year olds (1). Childhood obesity has become a wide-spread public health concern which has initiated several national as well as state-level interventions in response to this issue. A recent study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association that used a U.S. nationally representative sample, found that adolescent obesity has a significant association with severe obesity in adulthood with variations in race/ethnicity and sex (2). Therefore, it is crucial to direct efforts towards reducing childhood obesity to avoid or minimize health concerns in the future.
In the state of Alaska, the prevalence of childhood obesity exceeds the national average with 36% of children ages 5-18 above the normal weight. In an effort to reduce these rates in Alaska, the Alaska Division of Public Health launched the “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign in 2012 to promote physical activity and raise public awareness of childhood obesity. The main goal of this campaign is to have every child complete at least 60 minutes of physical activity each day to “feel great and maintain a healthy weight.” (3) The campaign’s website and advertisements provide facts and statistics on obesity among Alaskan children, the number of hours spent in front of a television or computer and also the economic impact of the yearly obesity-related medical expenses of $459 million dollars. The daunting facts will hopefully encourage children and parents to engage in more physical activity and successfully meet the daily 60-minute goal.
Summary of Critique
            Although the “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign provides important public health facts to raise awareness of childhood obesity and intends to encourage children to be active, it relies on components of the traditional Health Belief Model that will ultimately make this campaign unsuccessful. It assumes that individuals are in complete control of their health and they will easily change their behavior to meet the campaign’s 60 minute-goal (4). The campaign does not address important external factors that are potential barriers to achieving 60 minutes of physical activity a day nor does it provide alternative ways to stay healthy if physical activity is not possible due to either a disability or other constraints. Lastly, the campaign places the responsibility to be physically active not only on the individual child, but also on parents who may not model healthy lifestyles themselves and can trigger psychological reactance in their children.
Critique 1: Using the Health Belief Model as a foundation
            The “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign is built on components of the Health Belief Model (also known as a value expectancy model) which focuses on the individual as the primary source of behavior change. It assumes that the targeted audience will engage in healthy behavior if they value the outcome and believe that the behavior is likely to result in that outcome. The Health Belief Model also hopes to change an individual’s behavior through rational decision-making to prevent the adverse outcomes, which in this case is obesity (4). The campaign assumes that all children and parents value health (good health) and therefore the presentation of statistics on childhood obesity and creating videos stating that the life expectancy of Alaskan children is declining will trigger a rational decision-making process to adopt a healthy lifestyle.  The answer to solving this problem is simple and viable in the campaign’s eyes – children just need to get out and play for 60 minutes every day. However, every Alaska resident does not place a value on health so the campaign’s strategy of simply presenting facts to raise awareness and preaching this one solution will not be effective. If there is little or no value placed on health, it will be difficult for children to fully comprehend the benefits of physical activity and how it will shape a healthy future for them. Though the tone of the campaign promotes a sense of urgency and the health consequences are severe, the individual must perceive the susceptibility to the health problem, the benefits of adopting a healthy lifestyle, and value the outcome in order to take action. For example, if a child’s friend does not engage in physical activity and his parents allow him to watch television all day, the child would not feel susceptible to a health problem or see a perceived benefit to physical activity because there is no immediate risk to him or his friend. Also, humans tend to act irrationally and are inclined to act on intuition or emotion so one cannot assume that shocking statistics will motivate an individual to change his or her behavior through rational-decision making (5). The campaign’s message is targeted directly to the individual without promoting confidence, success and empowerment.
The Health Belief Model only focuses on the individual and does not address the external social and environmental factors that contribute to childhood obesity. An individual is a product of his or her environment so one cannot expect to change an individual without changing the environment that surrounds him or her (6). The “Get Out and Play” campaign’s failure to address the multiple levels that influence a child’s values and behavior make it a weak and ineffective campaign. Studies suggest that health outcomes are associated with social and environmental factors and tend to be lower in less active communities (7). The lack of consideration of external factors that also influence a child’s behavior change weakens the “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign and make it ineffective.
Critique 2: Barriers to Get Out and Play
            The “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign fails to consider the physical, environmental and social barriers and limited access and resources for families. If barriers to affordable, safe, and achievable physical activity exist, the intervention will not be successful even if the individual intends to be healthy. Sallis and Glanz (2006) found that the recent changes in the “built environment,” such as the lack of sidewalks and long distances to schools, parks and recreational facilities, promote a sedentary lifestyle (8). For many Alaska residents, highways are the only roads that connect recreational facilities and schools, even in the largest city of Anchorage. Although Anchorage is the largest city in Alaska that holds half of the state’s population, it is not a densely populated city with a well-functioning public transportation system or sidewalks that connect neighborhoods which is a barrier to physical activity. Studies show that walking or commuter cities tend to have lower obesity rates but Alaska’s “built environment” discourages people to integrate this simple exercise into a daily routine and also establishes driving as the social norm (9). There is a social stigma against those who are seen walking, especially during the winter, because Alaska’s “built environment” caters to drivers. This social stigma will discourage people from walking because spectators may associate them with a lower socioeconomic status or someone without the means to buy a car.
            Alaska’s “built environment” as well as its natural environment can be unsafe for children to participate in outdoor activities. Alaska is a rural state that is not densely populated so a simple exercise such as walking around in the neighborhood may be a safety risk. There is a lack of local neighborhood parks or safe spaces for children to play because most funding and attention is placed on the National and State Parks. During the seven month long winter, Anchorage has an average of five hours of daylight with below zero temperatures. These weather conditions will discourage parents from letting their kids outside but instead allow them to watch television indoors because it is safer. The campaign’s website has announcements on local events to promote safe avenues of physical activity, however, they do not occur every day and several of these events require a fee to participate which may not be feasible for some families. This campaign focuses on the simplicity of exercising 60 minutes a day when in reality, there are many barriers to achieving this goal.
Critique 3: Dependence on Parental Involvement
            The campaign emphasizes the importance of parental involvement in a child’s level of physical activity and places responsibility on the parents to plan activities and motivate their children. They suggest that scheduling time for family exercise is just as important as scheduling a doctor’s appointment. The campaign’s message is based on the assumption that all parents have the time and capability to spend an hour a day to do family activities together. However, this campaign would not effectively change behavior of parents who work nights, multiple jobs, have busy schedules because their value is not in health and have other priorities such as, providing for the family financially. Parents simply may not know how to build in time for physical activity with the family because being active may be a new concept for them. The campaign does not adequately equip parents with the necessary tools or realistic examples of achievable activities or how they can motivate their children to exercise. Moreover, the emphasis on the simplicity of the goal has the potential to create feelings of failure among parents who cannot schedule time to be active together. Parents will lose confidence in their ability as caregivers and may give up on incorporating physical activity into the family routine.
If the campaign is placing responsibility on the parents, there must be behavior change in the child as well as in the parent’s behavior because the lifestyle of the parents is a determinant of a child’s health outcome. Agras et. al. (2003) assessed five independent risk factors for the development of overweight children and found that an overweight parent was the strongest risk factor (10). The findings in the study support the Social Learning Theory, which states that people learn new behaviors from modeling and observing in their environment. Children are more likely to learn through observational learning and if parents are adopting an inactive and unhealthy lifestyle themselves and do not promote health as value within the household, it will negatively impact the children’s behavior.
Parents that value health that attempt to instill that value in their children by scheduling family activities may trigger psychological reactance in the child and actually deter them from exercising or playing outside. Psychological reactance is a motivational state that people experience when there is a perceived threat to their freedom and autonomy and they try to restore it. Although parents are encouraging something positive for the best interest of the child, the child experiences a stronger force of reactance in an attempt to restore the threatened freedom and could create an issue that is more severe (11). For example, if a parent limits the number of hours that a child can spend watching television and tells them to play outside instead, it will trigger psychological reactance and children will do the opposite. Children’s resistant to physical activity will probably make parents give up easily if their schedules are already hectic as it is and relapse into their old ways. Using parents as a model and motivator for children can actually have a negative effect thus generating an ineffective campaign.
Shifting the Focus of the Intervention
            The Get Out and Play Every Day campaign must develop a framework based on theory-based interventions that use a multilevel approach. The campaign should broaden its strategy to a community level intervention and involve stakeholders that can contribute to combating childhood obesity in Alaska rather than placing all of the responsibility on the individual or parents. There should be a message of empowerment in the campaign to increase self-efficacy because it will build confidence in the children to believe they can achieve their goals. Lastly, the use of role models and community leaders that the children can identify with should be mobilized to deter psychological reactance and increase the likelihood of adopting a healthy lifestyle.
1. Individual to Community Level
            The Get Out and Play Every Day campaign places the burden of physical activity on the children and parents and does not address community involvement. If this initiative’s focus shifted from an individual to a community level campaign, there will be more positive reinforcements and accountability for individuals to remain active. A community level intervention would involve not only the family but educators, local government, health practitioners and even local business owners. Community-based programs use multiple interventions, targeting change among individuals, groups, and organizations, and they often incorporate strategies to create policy and environmental changes and this ecological approach will increase its success (12). Mittelmark, Hunt, Heath and Schmid (1993) explains that the key characteristics of successful community-based health promotion programs include mobilizing communities to actively participate in achieving program goals; implementing interventions in multiple community settings; using multiple individual-level intervention strategies; and developing environmental interventions (13). The Get Out and Play Campaign must engage the community as a whole in order to successfully reduce childhood obesity because it cannot rely on the individual alone, especially if they do not value health. If the community participates, there will be different avenues to achieve this goal and may the campaign may even expand beyond 60 minutes of physical activity but include things like nutrition and education with community participation. This will also display positive health behavior in the community that children will observe and learn from to adopt a healthy lifestyle. As the community actively participates in this campaign to fight childhood obesity in Alaska, the local government may respond by providing accessible and affordable spaces for safe physical activities such as neighborhood parks, after-school programs, and subsidized sports leagues.
2. Promoting Self-efficacy to Empower Children
            The intervention must adopt a strategy that will promote self-efficacy to build confidence and empowerment in order to be successful. Self-efficacy is an important factor that will affect the likelihood of a person to change his or her health behavior because it is built upon the idea than an individual’s perception on his or her ability to change will determine its success towards that behavior (14). An adoption of physical activity is largely a matter of individuals with stronger self-efficacy because they will expect to reap the benefits associated with being active and likely maintain a healthy lifestyle in the long run.  Children must be empowered to have personal expectations and have confidence to take action and overcome obesity. The goal cannot seem too overwhelming or the children will lack confidence if the goal does not seem achievable. Instead of emphasizing the 60 minutes a day, the campaign should first focus on small incremental steps that are surely attainable such as, walking up two flights of stairs at school or eating one vegetable a day. Parents should also be involved in having a formal contract or rewards for children and constantly give positive reinforcement which will increase a child’s likelihood that they will repeat the behavior. In a study by Andersen et al. (2010), they found that change in self-efficacy for physical activity was related to change in self-regulation which was found to be a potential mediator of the effect of self-efficacy on physical activity. Participants in a community level intervention who gained confidence in their abilities to be active engaged in more frequent goal setting, planning and monitoring behaviors, which led to increased physical activity so shifting the focus from the individual to the community will create a successful public health campaign.
3. The Use of Peer Role Models
            Replacing parents as the primary influencer in a child’s active lifestyle with role models that are identifiable and similar to the children will minimize psychological reactance. Silvia (2005) suggests that a strategy to deflect reactance is to utilize interpersonal similarity between the communicator and receiver of a particular message because it will increase the positive force toward compliance. In an experiment that matched people with a communicator with the same birthday, name, gender and year in school, they found a correlation between similarity of these characteristics and agreement. People tended to agree with the similar communicator when the threat was high and low which suggests that similarity is a strong force that will determine agreeability despite the threat level (16). Schunk (1987) found within existing educational research that peer models had beneficial effects compared with dissimilar-age models. Schunk also found that peer models can enhance children’s self-efficacy for learning better than adult models suggesting that model-observer similarity in age is an important factor for raising self-efficacy. Therefore, peers may be more influential when encountered with difficulties, such as not being able to exercise every day, and are uncertain about their capabilities (17).
The main mode of learning is through observation of other’s behavior according to the Social Learning Theory, so modeling is an important means of shaping a person’s behavior, attitude and beliefs. The use of age-similar role models will create a trust between the communicator so the children will not interpret the campaign’s message as a threat to their freedom and autonomy. Furthermore, humans influence other humans easily because they like to conform (18). If a youth role model frames health in a way that speaks to a child’s set of core values and can identify with the model, they will have a desire to adopt this value as their own and conform to the model’s behavior.  Based on this evidence, the campaign should utilize youth role models and match them with children two or three years younger to increase self-efficacy, effectively spread the campaign’s message and promote active lifestyles.
Conclusion
            The “Get Out and Play Every Day” campaign’s goal is to raise public awareness of childhood obesity and encourage children and families to perform at least 60 minutes of physical activity a day. Instead of aiming to change behavior on the individual level, the campaign should engage the community and broaden this campaign to a community level intervention. The participation of the community will create more opportunities to display positive health behavior that children can learn from and provide accountability to achieve this goal. The campaign should also focus on empowering the individuals to promote self-efficacy and make the individuals believe they can accomplish this health goal. The use of peer role models in addition to parental influence will create similarity among the children and increase the likelihood that children will adopt a healthy lifestyle for themselves. These interconnected interventions will complement each other and form an effective public health campaign to minimize childhood obesity in Alaska.
           
           



References
1.     National Center for Health Statistics. Health, United States, 2011: With Special Features on Socioeconomic Status and Health. Hyattsville, MD; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; 2012.
2.     The NS, Suchindran C, North KE, Popkin BM, Gordon-Larsen P. Association of Adolescent Obesity With Risk of Severe Obesity in Adulthood. JAMA. 2010;304(18):2042-2047. doi:10.1001/jama.2010.1635.
3.     Alaska department of public health website
4.     Individual health behavior theories (chapter 4). In: Edberg M. Essentials of Health Behavior: Social and Behavioral Theory in Public Health. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2007, pp.35-49.
5.     DeMartino B, Kumaran D, Seymour B, Dolan RJ. Frames, biases, and rational decision-making in the human brain. Science 2006; 313:684-687.
6.     National Research Council (US) Panel on Race, Ethnicity, and Health in Later Life; Anderson NB, Bulatao RA, Cohen B, editors. Critical Perspectives on Racial and Ethnic Differences in Health in Late Life. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2004. 17, Behavioral Health Interventions: What Works and Why?
7.     Greiner KA, Li C, Kawachi I, Hunt DC, Ahluwalia JS. The relationships of social participation and community ratings to health and health behaviors in areas with high and low population density. Soc Sci Med. Dec
8.     Sallis JF, Glanz K. The Role of Built Environments in Physical Activity, Eating, and Obesity in Childhood. The Future of Children 2006; 16(1): 89-108.
9.     Pucher J, Buehler R, Bassett DR, Dannenberg AL. Walking and cycling to health: a comparative analysis of city, state, and international data. American Journal of Public Health. 2010;100(10):1986–1992.
10. Agras WS, Hammer LD, McNicholas F, Kraemer HC. Risk Factors for Childhood Overweight: A Prospective Study from Birth to 9.5 Years. Journal of Pediatrics 145, no. 1 (July 2004): 20–25, doi:10.1016/j.jpeds.2004.03.023.
11.  Silvia PJ. Deflecting reactance: The role of similarity in increasing compliance and reducing resistance. Basic and Applied Social Psychology 2005; 27:277-284.
12.   Elder JP, Schmid TL, Dower P, Hedlund S. Community heart health programs: components, rationale, and strategies for effective interventions. J Public Health Policy. 1993;14:463–479.
13. Mittelmark MB, Hunt MK, Heath G, Schmid TL. Realistic outcomes: lessons from community-based research and demonstration programs and the prevention of cardiovascular diseases. J Public Health Policy. 1993;14:437–462.
14. National Cancer Institute. Theory at a Glance: A Guide for Health Promotion Practice. Part 2. Bethesda, MD: National Cancer Institute, 2005, pp. 9-21 (NIH Publication No. 05-3896).
15.  Andersen ES, Winnett RA, Wojcik JR and Williams DM (2010) Social cognitive mediators of change in a group randomized nutrition and physical activity intervention. Journal of Health Psychology15: 21–32.
16. Silvia PJ. Deflecting reactance: The role of similarity in increasing compliance and reducing resistance. Basic and Applied Social Psychology 2005; 27:277-284.
17. Dale H. Schunk. Peer Models and Children's Behavioral Change. Review of Educational Research , Vol. 57, No. 2 (Summer, 1987), pp. 149-174. Published by: American Educational Research Association.
18. Following the herd (Chapter 3). In: Thaler RH, Sunstein CR. Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008, pp. 53-71.


Calorie Labels on Menus: Why this Public Health Approach Fails In Low-Income Neighborhoods--Alina Rossini


More than one-third of adults in the United States are obese (35.7%), meaning their Body Mass Index (BMI) exceeds 30 (1). Within the American population, non-Hispanic blacks have the highest age-adjusted rates of obesity (49.5%) compared with all Hispanics (39.1%) and non-Hispanic whites (34.4%) (1). Americans who live in the most poverty-dense counties are those who are most likely to be obese (poverty/obesity) (1). Obesity is related to other non-communicative diseases that include heart disease, stroke, type-II diabetes, and certain types of cancer, all of which are some of the leading causes of preventable death (1). Medical costs associated with obesity were estimated to be around $147 billion, and obese people pay an average of $1,429 more than their non-obese counterparts (1). The Surgeon General issued a warning of an ‘obesity epidemic’ in 2001, and years later, New York City and Philadelphia have required that fast food chains include caloric information of standard menu items (2). However, it was not until the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 that there were national laws enacted to target the epidemic.
As part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010, all chain restaurants with 20 or more locations must include calorie information on all their menus (3). Among other policy approaches, menu labeling has been proposed to address the growing rate of obesity in the United States, and the focus has primarily been on food consumed outside of the home. Eating meals away from home comprises 30% of daily caloric intake and 50% of yearly food expenditure (3). This trend is alarming because food consumed outside of the home is more likely to be higher in calories, fat, and sodium than foods prepared in the home (3) There have also been links between high rates of obesity and frequent consumption of food outside of the home (3). However, calorie labeling is an ineffective tool in combatting obesity, especially in low-income settings. According to an analysis done by researchers from New York University in 2009, only half of the fast-food consumers from low-income communities in New York City noticed calorie labeling. Consequently, only 28% of those who noticed the labels changed their order (4). Low-income and minority communities were chosen for the study due to the higher rates of obesity and the higher presence of fast-food restaurants in these neighborhoods (4). Calorie labeling in low-income environments is unsuccessful, as demonstrated by this study and others like it. While there are various reasons why this public health approach is limited, this study will focus on three major flaws and develop solutions for each.


 Literacy rates undercut the success of calorie labeling


Health literacy is a major flaw of the calorie labeling initiative, because not all Americans can properly read nutrition facts. In order to understand labels, individuals must first know how many daily calories are recommended for adults (5). In a study done in 2010 by New York University researchers, only one-third of fast food customers in low-income areas could accurately identify the number of calories an adult should consume each day as between 1500 to 2500. (6). Without knowing the recommended daily caloric intake, calorie labeling in fast-food restaurants becomes meaningless, because consumers are unable to relate calorie labels of individual items to the number of calories needed per day. Consumers do not have a caloric reference point in order to understand if a food item is high or low in calories. The study also concluded that racial and ethnic minorities of low-income communities were most likely to overestimate the suggested number of calories needed each day (6).
In addition to being unaware of how many calories are recommended each day, many consumers are also unaware of serving size (5). The number of calories in each serving and serving size are two critical pieces of information that are essential for weight control (5). According to a health study, 33% of people do not regularly read caloric information and only 5% looked at serving size (5). This suggests that people are unable to properly read food labels, because sometimes interpreting these labels requires mathematics to determine the total caloric amount. The study also concluded that people with less healthful diets are less likely to look at calorie labels and have less interest in doing so (5).
Low health literacy poses a significant barrier to the successful adoption of calorie labeling on menus, because it lowers the perceived risk of chronic diseases associated with a poor diet, such as obesity (7). Without a basic understanding of the consequences associated with an unhealthful diet, consumers are unaware of what constitutes a healthy diet and what does not. If consumers are unable to determine what is healthy, they are also unable to determine what would be the benefit of choosing healthier fast food options. They are also less likely to use calorie-labeled menus in their decision-making process (7). By not penetrating the consumers’ decision-making process, people who frequent fast food establishments will not be encouraged to change their eating behaviors (7). Ultimately, without labeling menus in a way that is understood to all consumers, no matter their education level, calorie labeling will continually fail in low-income areas.

Food Labels: Where are they in placed in fast-food restaurants?

Calorie labeling on menus is expensive for restaurants, so the Obama administration targeted restaurants that had 20 or more locations because they could better absorb the costs (5). However, extensive calorie labels on menus is still widely unavailable (9). Many restaurants choose to put the most comprehensive calorie listings online, and many fast food restaurants offer pamphlets that are not always available at point of purchase (10). In a study that examined the availability of calorie information in McDonald’s restaurants in Washington DC, only 59% provided in-store information for the majority of items on the menu (10). In 62% of the restaurants, it was necessary to ask two or more employees in order to obtain the calorie information (10). In majority of the McDonald’s visited, the information was available on tray liners (43%), pamphlets (43%), posters (5%), or one-page charts (10%) (10). Consumers see tray liners only after they purchase food, and food items often conceal or sully the information, yielding it illegible. Pamphlets are only available at the register where people may feel pressured to order quickly, and therefore not use it (10). Also, if people want more in-depth nutrition facts, that information is only available online (9). Even at the largest fast-food chain in the country, 40% of McDonalds outlets did not provide nutrition information for the majority of the items on the menu (10).
Consumers consider asking employees or searching for online caloric menus as a burden, and the majority of fast-food consumers do not perceive a benefit in searching for the information (9). The Behavioral Economics Model can explain the inaction of consumers (11) As explained by economics, behavior is the result of benefits and costs. Benefits are interpreted as reinforcers and people who frequent fast food restaurants more often obtain more reinforcing value from food than those who do not (11) Consequently, the cost of searching for caloric information outweighs the immediate desire for fast food; the convenience and craving is more important to consumers than caloric information or health (11). The absence of point of purchase nutrition information in majority of fast-food restaurants creates barriers in accessing the calorie facts, and the burden in searching for it is too high for majority of consumers. 

Barriers to obtaining healthful foods
The final major flaw of this public health intervention can be explained with the social ecological model. The social ecological model explains that interventions that solely focus on behavior change on the individual level often neglect the social and environmental context in which those behaviors occur (12). This clarifies why calorie labeling is ineffective. The intervention fails to recognize that there are few alternative healthy options available in fast food restaurants, convenience stores, and small grocery stores since they rarely have fresh produce or low-fat dairy items (13). This is especially true in low socioeconomic neighborhoods, where smaller grocery stores, convenient stores, and fast food restaurants like KFC and McDonald’s are abundant compared to higher quality grocery stores, Starbucks and Chipotle that are commonly found in middle- to high-socioeconomic communities (13). While calorie labeling aims to help consumers choose more healthful options, the intervention fails to understand that there are few, healthy alternatives in low-income communities because of the specific fast-food environment (13). Unless the intervention addresses the barrier in accessing more healthful foods, calorie labeling will continually fail in these communities

Defining a Better Intervention

Calorie labeling on menus as a public health approach to combat obesity will fail in low-income neighborhoods across the country if low health literacy rates, availability of nutrition information, or the low access to healthier options is not addressed. These three major flaws undercut the successful adoption of calorie labeling in quick serve food locations.
This study proposes a three-pronged intervention to specifically target the three main flaws. This new design improves calorie-labeling techniques by using color to represent the level of healthfulness of menu options, allows for customization of standard menu items for fewer calorie and low-fat alternatives, and finally proposes effective measures to support community partnerships to transform the physical and social environment as demonstrated in Chelsea, Massachusetts. This strategy focuses on the three critical weaknesses of calorie labeling as a public health intervention. By adopting this innovated design, calorie labeling will find more success in low-income communities. 

Numbers or Colors?

The past failure of calorie labeling efforts highlights that the general health knowledge of a population greatly impacts the efficacy of this public health approach. While calorie labeling may sway people in choosing a more healthful option, the approach cannot be expected to change a population’s eating behaviors if the majority of consumers do not know how many calories are needed each day. For this reason, calorie labeling needs to be reformatted.
Presenting caloric information by using colors may increase menu-labeling effectiveness, according to a study by Yale University researchers (14). After calorie-labeling formats were compared, investigators found that using colors to represent healthfulness of food items led to the fewest calories ordered by participants on average (14). This suggests that using green, yellow, and red to designate healthfulness leads to more informed decisions by consumers (14).
Green, yellow, and red are universal colors that represent good, moderate, and poor (14).  When applied to menus, the colors are interpreted as an item that is healthy, moderately healthy, or not very healthy. Little outside health knowledge is needed to understand the labels, since the colors have meaningful significance across many cultures (14). Therefore, the labels’ health meanings can be interpreted without having to read words. Language barriers in non-English speaking populations, primarily in Latino communities, limit access to healthy food options. Thus, the color system will be useful in areas where there are non-English speakers or illiterate community members. Color-coordinated calorie menus will allow all consumers, regardless of language ability, to successfully interpret the healthfulness of a menu item.
It is also important to educate consumers on health issues, such as the recommended daily caloric intake. To address this issue, menus should have informative prompts that read, “The health guidelines for Americas suggest consuming about 2,000 calories per day” (6). This prompt will provide consumers with a reference point, giving them a context in which they can better interpret the number of calories in menu items. (6).
Providing this background information is essential for informative decision-making, and will help successfully implement calorie labeling in low-income communities. Also, reformatting calorie labeling into a colored-coordinated system will allow all consumers to easily interpret healthfulness without having to understand English or to know basic health knowledge.

Small Changes

As discussed previously, calorie labeling is not always readily available in fast-food restaurants. Convenience and desire for food are always preferred over health, or in this case, searching for the caloric information (9). Point of purchase information is crucial to decision making, because if the caloric information is not readily accessible, consumers will not search for it, and it will not be taken into consideration when ordering (10). Instead of making consumers find and read labels, fast food restaurants can customize standard menu items to offer healthier options at the register.
Customization can take many forms on fast-food menus. For example, consumers can have the option of grilled meat instead of fried, using less bread, adding vegetables, removing all or some cheese, ordering low-fat salad dressing, or asking for sauce on the side. By asking consumers if they would like any of these options at the register, they are informed of these healthier options without having to consult pamphlets or search online. These small changes do not tell people to choose different options all together, but they make consumers’ favorite menu items healthier.
According to the incorrect assumption of the health belief model, consumers will completely change their fast-food orders once they learn that a high calorie diet gravely threatens their health. This theory, however, does not take into the account the high value of convenience and desire of food in comparison to health. In other words, consumers will not modify their eating habits for health reasons, as that is not a reason compelling enough to prompt change. Customization, therefore, will allow consumers to order the foods they love with the additional option to decrease their overall caloric intake.

Community Partnerships

Without considering the social environment of low-income communities, calorie labeling will continually fail. Policy changes need to be implemented that make healthier fast food alternatives easier to find. As the Social Ecological Model suggests, it is unrealistic to expect people to modify their behaviors when their physical and social environments do not support the change (12). Instead, the environment needs to become a part of the transformation. To incentivize change, community partnerships can be created to encourage local food marts to carry more produce and low-fat dairy products by offering a tax credit for those who do (15).
An intervention like this was implemented in Chelsea, Massachusetts in 2010 called ‘Healthy Chelsea’ (16). Just northeast of Boston, this city has declared itself a safe-haven for undocumented immigrants and is made up of 44.1% foreign-born non-citizens (17). Moreover, 62.1% of people living in Chelsea are of Hispanic or Latino decent and 67.8% of residents speak little to no English (17). Only 14.5% of the residents have a college degree or higher (17). The health initiative includes 56 individuals representing local government, state government, community organizations, healthcare providers, and businesses (16). These organizations collect health and behavioral data in Chelsea and use that information to assess the social and environmental factors influencing Chelsea’s high obesity prevalence (16). Through this assessment, the initiative implements and supports more healthful behaviors that are conducive to the diverse cultural and ethnic background of the residents (16). The initiative has increased the volume of fresh produce sold at local markets, given tax credits to participating locations, and has provided healthy marketing materials around the city (16). There has been a close partnership between the city’s Planning and Development Department to support infrastructure changes such as park renovations and installations (16). The initiative also pioneered the passage of Chelsea’s trans fat free regulation (16).
Community partnerships and organizations are essential to changing the social and physical environment to encourage the adoption of new behaviors at the population level, as demonstrated with the ‘Healthy Chelsea’ initiative (15). A tax incentive will provide affordable, low-calorie options in low-income neighborhoods where those alternatives are scarce. This will give residents the ability to choose more healthful foods when they are food shopping or dining out with their family, ultimately encouraging people to make healthier food choices.

Conclusion
While calorie labeling was developed with meaningful intentions, it is not a universally effective approach. It fails to address low health literacy rates, the value of convenience over health, and the impact of the physical and social environment on decision-making. By neglecting these issues, calorie labeling will continually fail in low-income communities. This paper recommended a better intervention, designed to consider these three major flaws. These major critiques demonstrate how social theories were not properly applied, and the intervention uses these same social theories to strengthen calorie labeling in low-income communities. The improved approach involves reformatting calorie labeling by using colors to represent the level of healthfulness of food items, allows for customization of standard menu items for fewer calorie and low-fat options, and finally proposes effective strategies to promote community partnerships to transform the physical and social environment as demonstrated in Chelsea. This three-pronged approach focuses on the major flaws of the intervention and encourages healthier decision-making in low socioeconomic communities. Making these types of changes is essential to combat obesity, and as this paper suggests, the calorie labeling approach will not be successful unless it is tailored to the specific needs of the target population.


References
1.     "Adult Obesity Facts." Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 13 Aug. 2012. Web.

2.     U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.  The Surgeon General's call to action to prevent and decrease overweight and obesity. (Rockville, MD): U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Office of the Surgeon General (2001).

3.     Swartz, Jonas, Danielle Braxton, and Anthony Viera. "Calorie Menu Labeling on Quick-Service Restaurant Menus: An Updated Systematic Review of the Literature."Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity 8.135 (2011): 1-8.

4.     Elbel B, Kersh R, Brescoll V, Dixon B. Calorie Labeling and Food Choices: A First Look at the Effects on Low-Income People in NewYork City. Health Affairs 2009; 28:1110-1121.

5.     Krukowski, Rebecca A., Jean Harvey-Berino, Jane Kolodinsky, Rashmi T. Narsana, and Thomas DeSisto. Journal of the American Dietetic Association 106.6 (2006): 917-20.

6.     Elbel B. Consumer Estimation of Recommended and Actual Calories at Fast Food Restaurants. Obesity 2011; 19:1971-1978.

7.     Berkman N, et al. Low Health Literacy and Health Outcomes: An Updated Systematic Review. Annals of Internal Medicine 2011;155:97-W41.

8.     Hanson J, Benedict J. Use of the Health Belief Model to Examine Older Adults’ Food-Handling Behaviors. J Nutr Ed Behav 2002;34:S25-S30.

9.     "Availability of Nutrition Information on Menus at Major Chain Table-Service Restaurants." Journal of the American Dietetic Association (2006): 1012-015. 

10. Wootan, Margo G., Melissa Osborn, and Claudia J. Malloy. "Availability of Point-of-Purchase Nutrition Information at a Fast-food Restaurant." Preventive Medicine43 (2006): 458-59.

11. Baranowski, Tom, Karen W. Cullen, Deborah Thompson, and Janice Baranowski. "Are Current Health Behavioral Change Models Helpful in Guiding Prevention of Weight Gain Efforts?" Obesity Research 11 (2003): 23S-43S. 

12. Robinson, T. Applying the Socio Ecological Model to Improving Fruit and Vegetable Intake Among Low-Income African-Americans. Journal of Community Health. 2008; 33:395-406.

13. Block J, DeSalvo K, Scribner R. Fast Food, Race/Ethnicity, and Income: A Geographical Analysis. Am J Preventative Medicine2004; 27:211-217.

14. Liu, Peggy J., Christina A. Roberto, Linda J. Liu, and Kelly D. Brownell. "A Test of Different Menu Labeling Presentations." Appetite 59 (2012): 770-77

15. "Helping Grassroots Advocacy Efforts Take Root." Journal of the American Dietetic Association 111.3 (211): 356-58.

16. "Massachusetts General Hospital." Healthy Chelsea.

17. "Chelsea QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau." Chelsea QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau.

Pass the Salt: Analysis of the 2013 NYC Health Campaign for Sodium Reduction – Laura Vercammen


Background
Excessive sodium consumption has been the topic of numerous public health policies, campaigns, and mandates. Contrary to what many people believe, sodium consumption has been a concern of public health policymakers for over 40 years, beginning with the 1969 White House Conference on Food, Nutrition, and Health. This American conference was groundbreaking in its sodium reduction policies, including recommendations for food manufacturers and the initiation of several FDA investigatory commissions (1). 
High intake of dietary sodium has been strongly linked to health problems such as hypertension (and cardiovascular disease), renal disease, osteoporosis, and stomach cancer (2). The 2010 Dietary Guidelines for Americans recommends that Americans limit their daily sodium intake to no higher than 2300mg per day, and no higher than 1500mg per day if they are over 51 years of age, African American, or have high blood pressure, diabetes, or chronic kidney disease (3).  It is concerning that, in spite of these recommendations and decades of interventions, the average American over two years old still consumes roughly 3400mg of sodium per day (4).  This is a 50% increase from the recommended amount; this excess is believed to be a risk factor in thousands of additional deaths each year (4).  In fact, a controversial study from the Harvard School of Public Health recently concluded that American salt intake is nearly the same as it was over 50 years ago (5). For this reason, federal and state policy makers continue to seek innovative ways to reduce sodium consumption at the population level. 
It is estimated that about 15% of sodium is added to food at home during the cooking process, and 5% is naturally occurring in foods. The remaining 80% is consumed through increasingly popular processed foods, over which the consumer has very little direct control (6).  In fact, 40% of an average American’s sodium intake comes from only 10 types of foods, including bread, cold cuts or cured meats, pizza, poultry, and soups (4).  The prevalence of high sodium levels in common manufactured foods makes it challenging for a consumer to reduce their personal sodium levels. Therefore, state and federal governments are continually looking for new and innovative ways to educate people, and to motivate them to make healthy choices regarding this issue. 
Intervention Description
On April 1st, 2013, the New York City Health Department revealed a new advertising campaign in a renewed attempt to fight sodium overconsumption in its citizens (7).  The purpose of the advertisement is to remind consumers that most of their daily sodium intake comes from processed foods, rather than from the often-scapegoated household saltshaker.
While the colour and the image on the ads vary, the slogan and accompanying text remains constant throughout the campaign.  The ad reminds subway patrons that “too much salt can lead to heart attack and stroke” and that in order to combat this, they should “Compare labels. Choose less sodium.”(7) The ad then goes on to explain, “Most salt you eat comes from packaged foods, not table salt.” (7) The series of colourful ads is displayed on subways cars, and is accompanied by an invitation to “Learn More” via a complimentary health bulletin (7). 
To emphasize the warning message, the ads show images of different processed foods, with a magnified Nutrition Facts label. These foods include canned soup, microwaveable “TV dinners,” and loaves of mass-produced sliced bread.   
From one perspective, the NYC Health Department succeeded in conveying a successful and potentially effective health message. The advertisement is simple and the meaning is clear, which is particularly important given that the target audience is using public transport.  There is urgency and a taste of fear when the advertisement emphasizes the dire health consequences of excess sodium intake. Finally, the campaign is instructive, and may aid confused customers who previously struggled to interpret food and nutrition labels.
However, from a social and behavioural health perspective, the NYC campaign is based on inappropriately applied theories and conflicting assumptions. The purpose of this critique is to discuss the three most significant of these shortcomings. The paper will conclude with recommendations for an alternative intervention to address the pertinent public health issue of excessive sodium consumption. 
Intervention Critique
Health Belief Model
An initial concern with the NYC Health Department sodium reduction marketing campaign is that its efficacy is firmly entrenched within the health belief model.  While this model has strong theoretical underpinnings, and has been used in an array of public interventions, all of its characteristics do not necessarily apply effectively to the issue of dietary sodium overconsumption. 
The health belief model is a psychosocial model of individual behaviour that uses a rational, stepwise explanation to explain the way people approach their health choices (8).  The model contends that individuals must believe they are susceptible to the condition, that the condition has serious consequences (in this case, hypertension and other diseases), and that taking action (reducing sodium consumption) would satisfactorily mitigate these consequences.  Individuals must also believe that the health benefits of the action outweigh the costs of making a change (having to choose lower sodium foods or potentially compromising taste), and that they are capable of successfully making this change. Finally, the model requires that the individual be exposed to factors that prompt action, such as an advertisement on a subway (8). 
The overarching concern with the use of this model is that fact that it relies on rational consumer choice. Many everyday consumer choices can be seen as rational. For example, most individuals would think carefully and reasonably about the decision to purchase a car, or a house, or even an electronic device. However, the choice to buy fast, pre-prepared food items often in the midst of post-work hunger is not necessarily rational. Individuals buying these items are thinking about the immediate consequences of instant hunger gratification rather than the long-term consequences of mitigating heart disease (9).  Therefore, an individual, even after being exposed to an educational subway stimulus, may not consider the health consequences of their actions, or weigh the benefits and costs of such actions.  In fact, they may justify a high-sodium food choice by failing to acknowledge the link between sodium and heart disease that is admittedly foggy to the everyday consumer, or by believing that the consequences may be a concern to others but not to them.  Their choices will instead depend on the marketing strategies of the food industry, packaging, perceived good taste, and availability (9). 
The health belief model is further misused when considering the target audience of the campaign.  The advertisements are placed on subway cars in New York City. Although the demographic of subway-riders is extremely diverse (especially in New York), the average subway patron is most likely younger and of a lower socioeconomic status than individuals who can afford to drive or take taxis.   This demographic group is the least likely to believe they are susceptible to the condition, since high blood pressure, heart disease, and many types of cancer are generally relegated to the older population. If this population also has a lower average socioeconomic status, they may conclude that the costs of buying fresh foods and the perceived reduction in food enjoyment outweigh the health benefits of a reduced-sodium diet.  Both of these factors suggest that the advertisements could be more effective if they were situated in a different location, or modified to suit a different target audience. 
Psychological Reactance
An additional concern with the new intervention designed by the NYC Health Department is that it has potential to generate an opposite effect on consumers, according to the theory of psychological reactance.  The theory describes how, when an individual’s personal freedoms are perceived as threatened or compromised, a motivation state arises that often results in the individual “rebelling” in the opposite direction (9, 10).
In this specific advertisement, the text reads, “Compare labels. Choose less sodium.”(7) According to the theory of psychological reactance, this mandate is a threat to the person freedoms of choice and consumption.  Consumers are being told what action to take and what foods to purchase, with very little explanation.  The paternalistic,  “because I said so” approach taken by the NYC Health Department may end with many consumers rebelling against the message and continuing to buy the foods they enjoy, regardless of their sodium content. 
Framing
Message framing is as essential in public health campaigns as it is in corporate marketing. Unfortunately, public health professionals often fall short when framing an important issue, resulting in ineffective campaign results.  The NYC Health Department’s 2013 sodium reduction campaign may be no different. 
Frames influence the way individuals conceptualize and understand messages in day-to-day life. If an issue is framed in a certain way, based on specific core values and using key tools, people receiving the message will fit the ideas, images, and concepts of that issue into an existing framework in their minds (11). These frameworks are then associated with motivation, attitude, and subsequent behaviours.  In general, a frame has five components: a core position, metaphors, catch phrases, symbols/images, and a core value (11). 
Excessive sodium consumption and its negative consequences have, in this case, been framed in a way very typical of many public health campaigns.  The core value of the issue is presented as long-term health, and the core position is that unknowingly consuming sodium over the recommended daily limit via processed foods can severely impact your health. The position is supported by health claims and further statistics, information, and suggestions accessible through the Health Bulletin (12).  However, the use of health, especially long-term health, is very rarely an effective frame to motivate people to change their behaviour (13, 14, 15).
A possible explanation for the trend of dismal outcomes for various public health campaigns is based on Maslow’s hierarchy of needs.  This pyramidal structure of human drives, based on a progression from physiological to self-actualization needs, describes how humans must fulfill their more basic needs before they can fulfill more complex desires (16). Therefore, in the case of New York’s ad campaign, the core value being promoted is the drive for long-term health. Since this drive is neither disabling nor urgent, it would most likely be categorized as a self-actualization need at the top of the hierarchy. Many people, and especially those in the younger, lower-income target population on the subway (as previously discussed) are driven to act on lower-level needs such as safety, sustenance, intimacy, and employment (16).  Motivating them to act on a higher-level drive such as long-term health awareness is then an unrealistic expectation, based on this theory. 

Alternative Intervention

With the aforementioned psychosocial models clearly in mind, an alternative intervention should be created to address the obviously important issue of sodium overconsumption through processed foods.  This proposed intervention takes into account the tenets of the Health Belief Model, the theory of Psychological Reactance, and Framing theory to motivate attitude and behaviour change in the general population. 
The central idea of this new intervention is that high sodium obscures a plethora of other enjoyable flavors in everyday foods – flavours such as garlic, cinnamon, herbs, exotic spices, fresh ingredients, and delicately balanced aromas. Food manufacturers use excess sodium in foods in order to cover up cheap ingredients, a “processed” taste, and a lack of flavor variation (17).  Therefore, the campaign calls on individuals to “Take Back Your Flavor. Join the Flavor Revolution!” Through colorful ads emblazoned with empowering and exciting text, and images of mouth-watering food with an abundance of perceived flavor, the campaign calls on consumers to put pressure on food manufactures to reduce their sodium content and allow the natural flavor and quality of food to shine through.  The campaign can be supplemented with TV ads highlighting how absurd it is that sodium is the dominant flavor in many of America’s favorite foods, and a low-sodium/high-flavor recipe book called “The Flavor Guru: Taste the Flavor Revolution.” 
Strong empirical support for this proposed intervention comes from implementation and evaluation of the counter-advertising public health campaign implemented in Florida beginning in 1998 called the “truth” campaign (18). The purpose of this campaign was two-fold: 1) To convey the message to young people that the tobacco industry was manipulating them in a profit-hungry and heartless way, in spite of the very real health consequences of smoking, and 2) To empower youth to take on the tobacco industry in order to make their generation “tobacco-free.” Evaluation of the campaign concluded that youth who were probably exposed to its advertisements (i.e. those above a certain threshold on a media effect index) were significantly less likely to initiate smoking than youth who were not exposed to the campaign (i.e. those below the threshold)(18). The success of this counter-industry campaign has not, as of yet, been replicated in similar public health campaigns, but its psychosocial theoretical underpinnings (19) and emphasis on the core values of freedom and empowerment can be translated into a strong intervention plan for the issue of sodium overconsumption.
Health Belief Model
The theoretical underpinning of the Flavor Revolution campaign involve a more appropriate use of select aspects of the Health Belief Model, while sufficiently addressing the weaknesses of the model.  The NYC Health Department ad campaign relied on the concept that consumers make rational, pre-conceived choices regarding food purchases. However, it is most likely more accurate to contend that consumers do not buy many processed foods (especially high sodium products such as chips, pizza, and microwaveable dinners) with a rational basis in mind (20). Instead, these consumers are purchasing foods based on hunger, craving, and the need for instant gratification.  The Flavor Revolution campaign plays to this impulsive purchasing behavior, by convincing consumers that foods with lower levels of sodium and higher levels of other, more flavorful ingredients will satisfy them even more. The nature and tone of the campaign also conveys a spirit of being adventurous with foods and novel tastes.  By taking advantage of this impulsive and irrational behavior rather than requiring the consumer to shop rationally, the Flavor Revolution campaign overcomes a substantial weakness of the Health Belief Model. 
The Flavor Revolution campaign is also more likely to influence consumer behaviour according to other aspects of the Health Belief Model.  This model contends that the individual must believe they are susceptible to the health consequences (8).  In the original NYC campaign, the consequences were heart attack and stroke, minor concerns for many young and/or healthy individuals (7). The new intervention emphasizes that the consequence of excess sodium consumption is missing out on good food, tastes, and adventurous culinary experiences.  This is a consequence that many people can acknowledge and want to address. 
Finally, the perceived costs of choosing less sodium in the NYC intervention were the price of buying fresh food along with a supposed decrease in food enjoyment. These costs may easily outweigh the long-term health benefits emphasized by the campaign.  Conversely, the Flavor Revolution campaign involves the same perceived costs of buying fresh food or sodium reduced food, but these costs are balanced by a perceived increase in food enjoyment (21).
Psychological Reactance Theory
The basis of the Flavor Revolution campaign is that consumers’ freedom to choose the best and most flavorful foods is compromised by excessive sodium levels in many common products, often in an attempt to cover up taste deficits or processed ingredients.  The campaign gives consumers the knowledge and ability to choose better tasting options, and to pressure the processed foods industry to make those options more readily available. The NYC campaign presents a perceived threat to an individual’s personal freedom of choice and consumption, with the simple words “Compare labels. Choose less sodium.” Instead, the Flavor Revolution campaign restores and encourages these personal freedoms and empowers people to make their own choices to eat better tasting food. 
Therefore, in terms of psychological reactance, the Flavor Revolution campaign does not make individuals want to rebel against a perceived loss of choice or personal freedom. Instead, it empowers them to become part of a movement to change the way society eats for the better (10).
Framing
The reinvented frame of this new sodium reduction campaign is one of its most important components. Traditional public health campaigns, including the NYC Health Department’s new campaign, base their message around the core value of health to convince consumers to internalize information and change their behaviour.  As seen in the past, this frame is rarely the catalyst for changes in health practices at the population level (13, 14, 15).  However, the Flavor Revolution campaign discards this traditional core value in favour of adventure, freedom, and experience.  The images used are those of delicious and exotic meals, and the symbols used are those of uprising, revolution, and banding together in a movement to improve the food we eat.  Adventure and freedom are the basis for many successful advertising campaigns in corporate marketing (22).
Additionally, an aforementioned criticism of the NYC campaign is that it focuses on long-term health, which may be considered a higher-level drive on Maslow’s hierarchy of needs. These higher-level drives are often neglected in favor of more basic drives such as food, shelter, employment, intimacy, family, safety, and security. However, in the proposed Flavor Revolution campaign, the core value of freedom suggests that the related drives are safety and security, which are much lower and more pressing in the hierarchy (16), and are therefore more likely to be addressed by the average consumer.   
Conclusion
Although the NYC Health Department’s 2013 “Choose Less Sodium” campaign clearly has benefits and potential for efficacy, it simultaneously reveals a number of glaring theoretical errors.  This critique has outlined several shortcomings of the NYC campaign, based on the Health Belief Model, the theory of psychological reactance, and framing theory.  Using these same criteria, a new comprehensive intervention, the Flavor Revolution, has been proposed.  This reformed intervention is designed to effectively address the urgent issue of sodium overconsumption in America – an issue causing a heavier burden on the health care system with each passing day.   
References:
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