Since
1981, with the enactment of the Adolescent Family Life Act “providing
comprehensive health, education and social services to pregnant and parenting
adolescents” the Federal government has spent more than $1.5 billion on
abstinence-only education. Abstinence-only education teaches in accordance to
eight descriptions of “abstinence education” established in Section 510(b)(2)
of Title V of the Social Security Act; endorsing the concepts that abstaining
for sexual activity outside of marriage is the only way to avoid unwanted
pregnancies, sexually transmitted disease, and other associated health
problems, including psychological and physical effects (Community Based Abstinence Education). Despite delegated funds for research, care, and
prevention projects for abstinence promotion
and sincere intentions to protect the well being of America’s youth, the Federal government’s own research
concluded that its “long-term research has clearly shown that
abstinence-only programs do not delay sexual initiation nor do they reduce rates of either teen
pregnancy or sexually transmitted infections” (Howell).
Abstinence-only
based education is a public health intervention of myriad flaws and misused
theories and techniques. When developing an effective public health intervention,
it is important to remember that complicated behaviors are not always simple
personal choices but rather are deeply intertwined within a person’s human
behavior and within a person’s environment. Abstinence-only education created a
curriculum, but missed on success; invoking psychological reactance in
adolescents, promoting fear-based advertising, and misusing the Health Belief
Model. Promoting abstinence-only education programs is economically wasteful,
inefficient, and ineffective.
The Rebellion of
Psychological Reactance
As
explained by Dr. Michael Siegel, psychological reactance theory is the
fundamental idea that when people believe their freedom to choose an action is
threatened they subsequently experience reactance, motivating the individual to
engage in that particular behavior (Siegel, 11 April 2013). Social psychologist
Jack Brehm additionally defines psychological reactance as “a threat to or
elimination of a behavioral freedom impels the individual to restore the
particular freedom that was threatened or taken away” (Brehm, J.). The
abstinence-only curriculum’s motto “Just say no” is inadvertently invoking adolescents
in abstinence-only education to rebel against the curriculum. The typically
subconscious rebellion of psychological reactance transpires through a
three-step process where (1) people perceive an unfair restriction on their
actions, (2) a state of reactance is activated, and (3) the person must act to
remove the reactance (Greece). Psychological reactance is ubiquitously entwined
in abstinence-only education because adolescents are definitively told their
only option to sexual activity is to abstain. In response, adolescents feel a
greater need to defend their freedom, which could justify why study findings
“show no overall impact on teen sexual activity” and “no differences in rates
of unprotected sex” (Trenholm).
Psychological reactance is the
fundamental, simplistic notion that “we want what we can’t have” and is
presumed to be naturally programmed in human behavior. In 1997, Sharon Brehm,
wife of social psychologist Jack Brehm, tested psychological reactance theory
by exposing two-year-old boys to different scenarios, involving (1) similar
objects, one placed behind a large barrier and the other freely available, (2)
dissimilar objects, one placed behind a large barrier and the other freely
available, and (3) dissimilar objects, one placed behind a small barrier and
the other freely available. The study concluded, boys preferred the dissimilar
object only when the barrier was large; invoking the hypothesis that
psychological reactance is experienced when an individual’s freedom is
threatened (Brehm, S.).
Likewise,
social and behavioral psychologists are aware that scare tactics do not work
and contradictorily lead individuals toward the behavior. According to The
Content of Federally Funded Abstinence-Only Education Programs, under the
Special Investigations Division of the United States House of Representatives, “over
80% of the abstinence-only curricula, used by over two thirds of Special
Programs of Regional and National Significance Community-Based Abstinence
Education (SPRANS) grantees in 2003, contain false, misleading, or distorted
information about reproductive health.” Including discrediting the efficacy of
condoms in preventing sexually transmitted disease and unwanted pregnancies and
that this popular claim is not supported by the data and that pregnancy still
occurs with condom use one out of every seven times. This skewed or false
information is used as a scare tactic, intending to instill fear from sexual
activities, thus idyllically encouraging abstinence (Waxman). The unintentional
consequence of imploring an abstinence-only approach induces psychological
reactance by threatening adolescent’s freedom of choice, which is only exponentiated
with falsified scare tactics.
Fear-Based Advertising
Theory:
In
addition to the Psychological Reactance Theory, the traditional public health
paradigm of the Advertising Theory attempts to frame positive health behaviors
around what individuals should want. The abstinence-only curriculum embodies
the idea that people should want to avoid unwanted pregnancies and sexually
transmitted infections and disease by abstaining from sexual intercourse until
marriage. What the Advertising Theory of the traditional public health paradigm
does not consider is that there is a substantial difference in what people should want and what people actually do want.
The
familiarity of continuous failure from the Drug Abuse Resistance Education,
simply referred to as D.A.R.E., comes as no surprise to the everyday American.
Since founded in 1983, the D.A.R.E. campaign uses police officers to lead
classroom lessons, teaching kindergarten through K-12 students how to resist
peer pressure and live productive drug and violence-free lives; by giving them
the skills they need to avoid involvement in drugs, gangs, and violence and to
“Just say no!” (About D.A.R.E.).
Unfortunately, the campaign officers inappropriately use intimidation, scare
tactics, and fear-based advertising in attempts to reduce rates of drug use and
violence. In the study ‘Fear Appeals: Amelioration of Ethical Suspicion’
conducted by Dr. Ritika Jain, fear-based advertising “is a specific type of
social marketing that employs scare tactics or other anxiety-producing
mechanisms to highlight the dangers of engaging or not engaging in a certain
practice” (Ritika, J.) In conjunction, Communication Theory has shown that
using a fearful message, instilling trepidation in the audience actually has
the opposite effect of what it intends. Inadvertently causing adolescents to
tune out and to disregard the message entirely, despite reasonable intentions
and practical messages (McGuire).
In
respect to the abstinence-only education, inducing fear and anxiety about sex
and sexual health and behaviors may inadvertently foster interests and promote
sexual activity. Additionally, by endorsing false benefits of condom and
contraception use, adolescents may form a fatalistic mindset. In this case,
fatalism would refer to the idea that the risk of getting a sexually
transmitted infection or disease or accidentally getting pregnant is so great
that it is therefore inevitable. By focusing on total risk elimination, or
abstinence, rather than a more reasonable and attainable risk reduction
strategy, the message lays out unrealistic goals and essentially sets the stage
for the individual to fail (Siegel, 11 April 2013).
The
empirical evidence that instilling fear and using scare tactics in children and
adolescents is an inadequate and ineffective way to promote healthy behavior,
as seen in the D.A.R.E. program and in the abstinence-only education.
Abstinence-only
Education & The Health Belief Model (Theory to Reason for Action)
As
with many health education curriculums, abstinence-only education is built upon
the psychological and behavioral theory known as the Health Belief Model. At
the individual level, the Health Belief Model “suggests that a person’s belief
in a personal threat of illness or disease together with a person’s belief in
the effectiveness of the recommended health behavior or action will predict
that likelihood the person will adopt the behavior” (Behavioral Change Models).
The model is comprised of two principal components; first is the desire to
avoid illness or get well if already ill, and the second is the belief that a
specific health action will prevent, or cure, illness (Behavioral Change
Models). This straightforward and seemingly reasonable theory contradictorily
holds major caveats. The Health Belief Model does not account for social and
environmental factors that affects health nor does is consider that intentions
do not always lead to healthy behavior.
In
the book Predictably Irrational, the
author Dan Ariely and colleague George Loewenstein conducted a study to
understand the degree to which rational, intelligent people in a normal, or
“cold” state, could predict how their attitudes will change when they are in an
impassionate, or “hot” state (Ariely). The study was conducted to determine
associations between decision-making and sexual arousal. The study premise was
for male college students to answer a series of questions regarding predicted
personal sexual activities and preferences when in a “cold”, rational state.
Later, these same men were asked to answer the same series of questions
regarding personal sexual activities and preferences when in a “hot”, sexually
aroused state. Ariely and Loewenstein compared the answers of the “cold” and
“hot” states and concluded that all participants overwhelmingly under-predicted
the amount to which sexual arousal contradicts or depreciates the conscious,
rational mind; and when emotions of arousal and passion are paramount,
“boundaries blur between what is right and what is wrong” (Ariely).
In
regards to abstinence-only education, understanding capricious sexual emotions
could give insight to the inefficiencies of abstinence-only education. Ariely
states,
“Many parents and teenagers, while in a
“cold”, rational state tend to believe that the mere promise of abstinence is
sufficient protection against sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted
pregnancies. Assuming that this levelheaded thought will prevail even when
emotions reach the boiling point, the advocates of “just saying no” see no
reason to carry a condom with them. But as our study shows, in the heat of
passion, we are all in danger of switching from “Just say no” to “Yes!” in a
heartbeat; and if no condom is available we are likely to say yes, regardless
of the dangers.”
Ultimately, an individual's course of action often depends
on the person's perceptions of the benefits and barriers related to health
behavior (Behavioral Change Models). It is imperative to understand
adolescent’s perception and motives in a “hot”, passionate state, rather than
inefficiently educating them on abstinence-only while in a “cold”, rational
state.
Despite good intentions the obvious, ubiquitous, and serious
problems in abstinence-only education must be addressed and the curriculum is
imploring to be transformed. The inability to understand adolescents’ behaviors
or the proper use psychological reactance, the Health Belief Model, and
Advertising Theory may “help explain why these programs have not been
shown to protect adolescents from sexually transmitted diseases and why youth
who pledge abstinence are significantly less likely to make informed choices
about precautions when they do have sex “(Waxman).
Proposed
Interventions
In
a Guttmacher Institute study, Trends in
Premarital Sex in the United States 1954-2003, 95% of respondents had sex
before marriage and even those who abstained from sex until at least age twenty
still have premarital sex 84% of the time. Director of the Guttmacher Institute
study, Lawrence B. Finer claimed, “Premarital sex is a normal behavior for the
vast majority of Americans, and has been for decades.” Calling into question
the efficacy of the abstinence-only curriculum. Sex education demands great
changes and teaching that abstinence is just as important as the option to have
sex. We are failing our adolescents and young adults by not providing a
comprehensive sex education. Three methods of obtaining this goal would be (1)
to provide comprehensive sex education to avoid inducing psychological
reactance in adolescents, (2) use Social Network Theory to change attitudes at
the group based, social level model for improvement in risky sexual behaviors, and
(3) proper use of Marketing Theory.
Escaping
Psychological Reactance:
As we know, psychological reactance
is naturally encoded in human behavior, and is ultimately the idea that “we
want what we can’t have.” Therefore, we
need to change abstinence-only education to comprehensive sex education, making
abstinence just as important as choosing to engage in sexual activity. Comprehensive
sex education can be implemented in a complete and factual way, while fostering
morale, autonomy and control over ones decisions.
First and foremost, comprehensive
sex education should indisputably provide accurate, up-to-date information
about all varieties of sexual activities and health. This includes (1)
providing the true efficacy of condom use in preventing unwanted pregnancies
and sexually transmitted disease and infections, (2) educating adolescents on the
true efficacy of different contraception methods, (3) providing photos and
information about the average signs and symptoms of sexually transmitted
disease and infections; not the most extreme, grotesque photos available, (4)
showing what a health relationship looks like and how to communication with a
partner, (5) what consent looks like, and (6) by providing accurate and
trustworthy sexual health resources where the adolescents can find additional
information, including welcoming health professionals whom they can talk to
outside the sex education curriculum.
Another way we can encourage
adolescent’s autonomy and control over their sexual health is by providing
adolescents with a series, or checklist, of sex-related questions in which they
could answer to determine if they are ready to have sex. Questions would
include: Do you have a partner? Do you trust each other and feel safe together?
Listen to one another? Have you talked about having sex together? Have you talk
about a contraception method or getting checked for sexually transmitted
disease or infections? Are drugs and/or alcohol needed to engage in sexual
activities? Do you both feel ready to do it? Do both of you want to have sex?
Nobody is pressuring the other? If adolescents answer “yes” to all of these
questions, then they may be ready to engage in sexual activity.
The
Guttmacher Institute’s “The Impact of Abstinence and Comprehensive Sex and
STD/HIV Education Programs on Adolescent Sexual Behavior” study, conducted in
2008, compared the success rates of abstinence-only education with
comprehensive sex education. It reported that, “about
two thirds of comprehensive programs showed strong evidence that they
positively affected young people’s sexual behavior, including both delaying
initiation of sex and increasing condom and contraceptive use among important
groups of youth. Based on this review, abstinence programs have little evidence
to warrant their widespread replication; conversely, strong evidence suggests
that some comprehensive programs should be disseminated widely” (Kirby).
By
changing abstinence-only education to comprehensive sex education curriculum, we
can empower adolescents to make positive sexual health choices and help them
navigate sex in a positive, healthy way. By giving them control over their
actions we can greatly diminish and even eliminate psychological reactance.
Use of Social
Network Theory
We
can also use Social Network Theory to our advantages as another way to
advertising abstinence or healthy sex behaviors, such as using condoms. Social
Network Theory is a theory “explaining the influence of social networks on
individual and group health behaviors” (Siegel lecture #13). We can accomplish
and implement Social Network Theory through one of two different methods.
First, we can find an adolescent at the social epicenter of a school or network
that is in compliance with abstaining from sexual activity until in a
relationship and promoting safe sex. Another way to use Social Network Theory
would be by replacing teachers and adult facilitators of abstinence-only
program to relatable, peer health educators. Dressing peer health educators in
similar clothing to their adolescent audience and using similar language would
be another great way to successfully promote safe sex.
In
a 2005 study conducted by Paul J. Silva, ‘Deflecting Reactance: The role of
similarity in increasing compliance and reducing resistance’ concluded that,
“interpersonal similarity can reduce reactance by increasing compliance and by
reducing resistance.” It continued on to say, “When the communicator was highly
similar to the participant, people agreed strongly, regardless of threat.
Similarity increased the force toward persuasion by increasing liking, and it
decreased the force toward resistance by making the message seem less
threatening” (Silva).
Using
popular adolescents and relatable peer health educators to the target
population of adolescents would encouragingly synchronize attitudes and
acceptability towards safer sex and positive sexual health. Therefore, applying
Social Network Theory to the development and implementation of a comprehensive
sex education curriculum would result in a more successful health campaign than
the previous abstinence-only education presented by unrelatable teachers and
facilitators.
Use of Marketing
Theory
A great alternative to the hackneyed
individual level Health Belief Model would be the use of the group level
Marketing Theory. Marketing Theory differs from the traditional public Health
Belief Model by selling or packaging a product or behavior that people do want, instead of a product that
people should want. In regards to
abstinence-only education, the Marketing Theory would tailor its curriculum to
what adolescents do want. Packaging a
product, also known as “branding”, is a fundamental element to the Marketing
Theory because it brands an important core value around adolescents’ needs and
wants.
The
“truth” campaign is a unique, anti-smoking movement whose philosophy and goal
of is not to focus on the pro-smoker or anti-smoker individual, but rather to
expose the malevolent and practically criminal product, research and
advertising manipulations created by the tobacco industries (truth). The
success of the “truth” campaigns came from its advertising strategy encouraging
sensation-seeking teens to rebel against the tobacco industry. The campaign
used striking images, one or two straightforward statistics representing the
atrocities of cigarettes, and most importantly, sensation-seeking teens
rebelling against the tobacco industry (Vallone). The “truth” campaign brands
core values such as rebellion, freedom, and control to its marketing scheme to
encourage adolescents to break the rules and rebel from the tobacco companies
wicked and habituated addiction scheme.
When
designing a Marketing Theory for comprehensive sex education, we would want to
create a curriculum that is appropriately comparable to the “truth” campaign.
The curriculum would have to embody significant and important core values, such
as control and freedom, in which we would support and package our core values
with facts, simple statistics, and powerful images. In conjunction, we want to
make adolescents feel secure in the information they are receiving without
sounding preachy and without condemning those who may already have had sex.
By
implementing the proposed interventions combining empowering adolescent to take
control over their sexual health and behavior, eliminating psychological
reactance, using popular adolescents and relatable peer health educators, and
creating positive rebellion marketing campaign by can promote delayed and safer
sex we will be providing adolescent with the information necessary to make
informed health decisions about their sexual health. According to the Guttmer
Institute, research shows that by changing abstinence-only education to
comprehensive sex education and giving adolescents accurate information
actually “delays the age that they start having sex and lowers pregnancy rates
and sexually transmitted infections” (Dreweke).
References
1. About D.A.R.E. (2012). Drug Abuse Resistance Education.
Retrieved: http://www.dare.com/home/default.asp
2. Ariely, Dan (2008). Predictably irrational. HarperCollins Publisher; New York, p.
119-129.
3. Behavioral Change Models (2013). Health belief models. Boston University
School of Public Health. Retrieved:
http://sph.bu.edu/otlt/MPH-Modules/SB/SB721-Models/SB721-Models2.html
4. Brehm, Jack W. (1989). “Psychological
reactance: theory and applications.” Associations
for Consumer Research 16, p. 72-75.
Retrieved:
http://www.acrwebsite.org/search/view-conference-proceedings.aspx?Id=6883
5. Brehm, S., Weinraub, M. (1997). Physical
barriers and psychological reactance: 2-yr-olds’ responses to treats of
freedom. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology 35(11), p. 830-836. Retrieved:
http://psycnet.apa.org/psycinfo/1979-28160-001.
6. Community Based Abstinence Education. Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance.
Retrieved: https://www.cfda.gov/?s=program&mode=form&tab=step1&id=a3b6c649224b2cad3b2470fbd5dd34d8.
7. Dreweke, Joerg (2008). Review finds no
evidence to support funding of rigid abstinence-only programs. Guttmer Institute. Retrieved:
http://www.guttmacher.org/media/nr/2008/09/16/index.html
8. Greece, Jacey (2012). “Theories of
Motivation” SB721. Boston University, Boston. 10 Oct. 2012. Lecture.
9. Howell, K. (2007). The history of federal
abstinence-only funding. Advocate for
Youth. Retrieved: http://www.advocatesforyouth.org/publications/429.
10. Kirby, Douglas B. (2008). The impact of
abstinence and comprehensive sex and STD/HIV education programs on adolescent
sexual behavior. Sexual Research and Social Policy, 5(3), p. 18-27. Retrieved: http://link.springer.com/article/10.1525%2Fsrsp.2008.5.3.18.
11. McGuire, W.J. (2001). Input and output
variables currently promising for constructing persuasive communications. Public Communication Campaigns.
12. Ritika, J. (2013). Fear appeals:
amelioration of ethical suspicion. Indian
Journal of Applied Research 3(4), p. 330. Retrieved:
http://www.theglobaljournals.com/ijar/file.php?val=MTMzMQ==
13. Seigel, Michael. “Social Network Theory,
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, the Law of Small Numbers, and Optimistic Bias and
the Illusion of Control.” SB721. Boston University, Boston. 25 April 2013.
Lecture.
14. Seigel, Michael. “Social Expectations
Theory and Psychological Reactance Theory” SB721. Boston University, Boston. 11
April 2013. Lecture.
15. Silva, Paul J. (2005). Deflecting
Reactance: The role of similarity in increasing compliance and reducing
resistance. Basic and Applied Social
Psychology, 27, p. 277-284. Retrieved: http://libres.uncg.edu/ir/uncg/f/P_Silvia_Deflecting_2005.pdf
16. Trenholm, C., Devaney B., Fortson, K, et
al. (2007). Impacts of four title V section 510 abstinence education programs. Mathematica Policy Research, Inc. p. 59.
Retrieved: http://www.mathematica-mpr.com/publications/pdfs/impactabstinence.pdf
17. Truth campaign (2013). Retrieved:
http://www.thetruth.com/about/.
18. U.S. Department of Human and Health
Services, Office of Population Affairs. The
Title XX Adolescent Family Life Program. Retrieved: http://www.hhs.gov/opa/familylife/strategicplanning/overview_v6.html
19. Vallone, D. Evaluating the Truth
Campaign. American Legacy Foundation.
Retrieved:
http://www.kff.org/entmedia/upload/EvaluatingthetruthCampaignDonnaVallone.pdf.
20. Waxman, H. (2004). The content of
federally funded abstinence-only education programs. United States House of Representatives Committee on Government Reform.
Retrieved: http://www.apha.org/apha/PDFs/HIV/The_Waxman_Report.pdf.
No comments:
Post a Comment